By Aihwa Ong
Neoliberalism is often considered as an fiscal doctrine that seeks to restrict the scope of presidency. a few contemplate it a sort of predatory capitalism with opposed results at the international South. during this groundbreaking paintings, Aihwa Ong deals an alternate view of neoliberalism as a very malleable know-how of governing that's taken up in several methods through assorted regimes, be they authoritarian, democratic, or communist. Ong exhibits how East and Southeast Asian states are making exceptions to their ordinary practices of governing that allows you to place themselves to compete within the international financial system. As she demonstrates, various neoliberal options of governing are re-engineering political areas and populations. Ong’s ethnographic case reviews light up experiments and advancements reminiscent of China’s construction of designated marketplace zones inside its socialist economic system; pro-capitalist Islam and women’s rights in Malaysia; Singapore’s repositioning as a hub of medical services; and versatile hard work and data regimes that span the Pacific.Ong lines how those and different neoliberal exceptions to company as ordinary are reconfiguring relationships among governing and the ruled, strength and data, and sovereignty and territoriality. She argues that an interactive mode of citizenship is rising, person who organizes people—and distributes rights and advantages to them—according to their marketable abilities instead of in line with their club inside of geographical regions. these whose wisdom and talents will not be assigned major industry value—such as migrant ladies operating as household maids in lots of Asian cities—are denied citizenship. however, Ong means that because the seam among sovereignty and citizenship is pried aside, a brand new house is rising for NGOs to recommend for the human rights of these excluded via neoliberal measures of human worthiness.
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Extra info for Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignty
Example text
Any attempt to fashion new principles or frameworks of political action had to take account of this democratic pressure, as the politics of modernity was a politics of democracy and participation. Indeed only legitimation based on popular sovereignty was acceptable in the modern age (Beetham, 1991 ), although this was distorted in various ways by ideologies such as fascism, which sought to justify absolute power by claiming that the leader could represent the masses better than any person who emerged from the divisive process of democratic politics.
How could community be maintained in the new civil society, and could modernity, with all its advantages, be made compatible with a sense of social obligation and reciprocity? Excessive individualism and selfinterest could be as harmful as the violent and rapacious societies of 'rude' nations: To the ancient Greek or the Roman, the individual was nothing, and the public everything. To the modern, in too many nations of Europe, the individual is everything, and the public nothing (Ferguson, 1995, p.
This is part of the meaning that civil society still preserves today, the idea of an informed and active public that does not have to accept what the government tells it, that can act as a source of opposition to the government of the day and articulate a range of perspectives and opinions. The force of 'the public opinion tribunal' was saluted by Jeremy Bentham as one of the ways in which the potentially dangerous power of government could be negated and contained. Anyone, Bentham wrote, who sought to reduce the power and influence of this public opinion tribunal was an enemy of the public and ofliberty, and should be exposed as such (Parekh, 1973, p.