Toward a Theory of Immigration by Peter C. Meilaender

By Peter C. Meilaender

Changes within the worldwide political order and advancements in liberal political philosophy have known as into query the state's conventional correct to control immigration in response to its nationwide id. Meilaender deals a robust protection of that correct, arguing that states may well legitimately workout large discretion in crafting immigration rules that replicate their very own specific visions of political group. The concrete factor of immigration serves as a lens wherein to target abiding dilemmas of politics and tradition that lie on the middle of political philosophy.

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Extra resources for Toward a Theory of Immigration

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And what about Eric the Red and his father, whose “departure from Norway . . 51 Perhaps this is a “push” factor, perhaps even an “involuntary” migration (though the outlawry was presumably voluntary), but it is not the sort of thing that writers using the push-pull model usually have in mind. ”52 Many of the first settlers in the New World must have been driven by such highly individual emotions. Yet this particular example pushes us beyond mere individual psychological eccentricities toward larger cultural variables that escape the push-pull categories.

Nowhere, however, does he tell us how they can be differentiated or why they should be distinguished. 23 Reflection on the two principles that Gibney recommends as rules for immigration policy, the Harm Principle and the Basic Rights Principle (which he calls the HP and the BRP), confirms the suspicion that his balancing act tilts in the direction of significantly more open immigration. The Harm Principle holds, first, that “individuals have a duty not to harm others,” and, second, that “those who have caused harm have a special duty of restitution to the victims of this harm” (80).

This particular people with its particular way of life may have particular moral responsibilities, as well. This, I take it, is the thrust of Beck’s chapters on the declining middle class, and specifically of his long treatment of the ways in which immigration, as in the past, continues to harm black Americans especially. Our first obligations, his argument seems to be, are to the members of our own political community, our fellow citizens, and especially to the poorest and least advantaged among them.

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