By Erica Benner
This booklet counters a number of assumptions ordinarily held approximately Marx's perspectives of nationalism and internationalism, now not least through twentieth-century marxists themselves. It exhibits that Marx didn't envisage the abolition of nationwide groups or kingdom states; that the politics of nationalism in Marx isn't really incompatible with a politics of sophistication; that Marx was once again and again severe of a "utopian" internationalism, and that the subjects of nationalism and overseas harmony, faraway from being unavoidably in competition, may be obvious in lots of circumstances as at the same time reinforcing. Nationalism then emerges in Marxist idea as a sort of political self-identification and mobilization that may give a contribution to the wider venture of social and political freedom.
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Additional info for Really Existing Nationalisms: A Post-Communist View from Marx and Engels
Example text
31 Ibid, 102. 32 )Q 166. 33 This 'partial revolution' left a potentially explosive tension between the inclusive, egalitarian premisses of democratic constitutions and the social inequalities that they declined to address. Viewed in the light of these proto-communist arguments, the prescriptive content of Marx's early conception of 'nationality' appears considerably more radical than that of other democratic and republican concepts of the nation that have drawn on the legacies of the French and American revolutions,34 First, the young Marx not only distinguished the restrictive 'nationality' of the state and its supporting elites from the wider national community found among the 'people'; he also identified divisions within that people which gave rise to conflicting ideas about what, or who, constitated any single nation.
In his early writings, Marx neither advised the outright removal of the state by a self-motivating society nor called for the transnational bonding of peoples. But he did insist that the social changes he advocated had to be viewed in a broadly European context; democratic movements in any single country would need the active support of sympathetic groups elsewhere. In a letter to Arnold Ruge, his co-editor at the left-leaning Rheinische Zeitung, 33 'A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law: Introduction', MECW 3: 184.
Ii, ch, 12, CCHP 38. 2 * Philosophy of Right, 127. Nationality in the Divided State 31 In the passages cited above, Marx touched on another argument that he worked out more fully in his later writings. By identifying 'nationality' with the existing state, he suggested, Hegel conflated two distinct forms of 'sovereignty' associated with the national idea: the sovereignty of citizens in relation to their government, and that of one state in relation to others. Marx appealed again to the popular-democratic concept of nationality to underline the impoverishing political consequences of Hegel's position, contrasting the citizen's direct, spontaneous identification with the public life of Athens and Rome with the merely formal links between the modem state and private citoyen.