A Comparative Study of Minority Development in China and by R. Hasmath

By R. Hasmath

Whilst reading ethnic minorities’ academic attainments in city China and Canada, they outperform or are on par with the non-minority inhabitants. despite the fact that, whilst studying high-wage, education-intensive occupations, this cohort should not as regularly occurring because the non-minority population.  What debts for this discrepancy? How some distance does ethnicity impact one's occupational opportunities?  What does this tangibly suggest with appreciate to the administration of city ethnic differences?  And, what steps will we take to enhance this case? Drawing upon the newest information and distinct interviews, this ebook examines the stories of ethnic minorities from education to the task seek, hiring, and promoting approaches.

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Since the street administrative office is responsible for overseeing the residential and economic development of urban neigborhoods, an administrative unit that solely oversees a particular ethnic enclave will be more inclined to represent 40 Minority Development in China and Canada the enclave’s interests especially in a climate of accelerated investment in urban development. For instance, the outcomes of the redevelopment of the Niujie area suggests that street administrative office played a crucial role in preserving the Hui character and ethnic-specific economic activities of the enclave; which in turn, provided a greater incentive for Hui residents to return.

Traditionally, China has often been studied as one civilization and one culture. This chapter has illustrated that this is far from the reality. In China, the identification of certain groups within China as “minorities” and the recognition of the Han as a unified “majority” have played a fundamental role in forging the People’s Republic of China. Rarely has serious attention been paid to ethnic differences in the nation unless it is concerned with the “exotic” minority border peoples or “those ethnics” living in the “mountains”—almost always regarded as marginal in power and socio-economic stature.

This was the result of a more stringent process in accepting immigrants based on a points system which rewarded skills and education, to the extent that 80 percent of newcomers to Toronto are secondary school graduates and 40 percent have completed university (City of Toronto 2001b). However, upon arrival many found they were not Background Conditions 35 readily employable in the profession of their home country. Professional degrees such as medicine and engineering were not recognized by professional associations in the Province of Ontario.

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