By Lawrence Block
Gulliver Fairborn's novel, Nobody's Baby, replaced Bernie Rhodenbarr's lifestyles. And now beautiful Alice Cottrell, Fairborn's one-time paramour, desires the bookselling, book-loving burglar to damage right into a room in New York's teeth-achingly captivating Paddington lodge and purloin many of the writer's very own letters prior to an unscrupulous agent can promote them. here is a chance to exploit his certain abilities within the carrier of the respected, famously reclusive writer. but if Bernie will get there, the agent is useless . . . and Bernie's sought after for homicide. (He really hates whilst that happens!)
Perhaps it is karmic payback; Bernie did support himself to a ruby necklace on his method out. (But it was mendacity there. And he is a burglar.) Now he is in even warmer water. And he will have to use each trick within the book—maybe going as far as to attract the hermitic Fairborn himself out of seclusion—to convey this more and more twisted plot to a lovely denouement.
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Extra info for The Burglar in the Rye
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The Gandhian and radical politics-based values of the 1950s and 1960s were fading quickly and the new emergent NGOs had their philosophical basis more in the field of social work, where social change and social mobilization were becoming more widely accepted as part of social work teaching (Siddiqui 1997). State scrutiny and increased funding saw two groups of NGOs emerge: those that were more action-oriented; and those that were welfare-oriented (Kaushik 1997). The latter group saw themselves as intermediaries between donors and the poor as ‘aid managers’, or as Sen sardonically calls them, the ‘technical branch of the poor’ (Sen, S.
There are also differences between the various capacities of decision-making, that is different levels of disempowerment, and the different choices people make – people may simply choose not to choose. For example, a woman might be living in purdah (seclusion) because she is pressured by patriarchal or other forms of social power, or because she perceives there are benefits for doing so, such as gaining prestige, or maintaining her privacy. Purdah per se is not an indicator, but rather it is the socio-political context in which it is placed that determines the freedom a woman has to exercise her choice (Kabeer 1999).
The complex relationship NGOs have with their constituencies is important as the notion of accountability of NGOs to constituencies (a ‘downward accountability’), and how NGOs foster autonomy of the constituencies in a range of areas, is central to the idea of empowerment. Conclusion This chapter has drawn together a number of strands to provide a context for the detailed look at the local NGOs in India that this book focuses on. The theory of NGOs as values-based organizations with a number of competing accountability pressures is a real one, but this is tempered in the Indian context by the long history of NGOs in India which, together with the on-going tension between the state and NGOs over the past 50 years, has created a complex and moving mosaic of NGOs formations and NGO state relations, the main one being a strong local focus.