By Sofia Donoso, Marisa von Bülow
This booklet provides wealthy empirical analyses of crucial routine in Chile’s post-transition period: the scholar flow, the Mapuche stream, the exertions circulation, the Feminist move, and the Environmental circulation. The chapters light up the techniques that ended in their emergence, and aspect how actors built new options, or revisited outdated ones, to persuade the political area. The booklet additionally bargains contributions that situate those situations either when it comes to the overall tendencies in protest in Chile, in addition to compared to different nations in Latin the USA. Emphasizing numerous elements of the controversy in regards to the dating among “institutional” and “non-institutional” politics, this quantity not just contributes to the examine of collective motion in Chile, but additionally to the wider social circulate literature.
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Additional resources for Social Movements in Chile: Organization, Trajectories, and Political Consequences
Example text
10. Van Cott, From Movements to Parties in Latin America. The Evolution of Ethnic Politics, 213. 11. Olvera, “Social Accountability in Mexico: The Civil Alliance Experience”; Cadena-Roa, “State Pacts, Elites, and Social Movements in Mexico’s Transition to Democracy”. 12. See, for example, Avritzer, Sociedade Civil e Democratização. For a comparative analysis between Brazil and Mexico, see Lavalle and Vera, La Innovación Democrática en América Latina: Tramas y Nudos de la Representación, la Participación y el Control Social.
SOMMA AND R. MEDEL of social movements. “Party protest,” as we label this phenomenon, happens when leaders, activists, and/or sympathizers of political parties participate in protest events and identify themselves as such—typically through public statements and chants or by carrying flags, banners, posters, or other visible signs related to their party. Although the subject of party protest can be pursued more extensively,25 in this chapter it suffices to note three findings. First, party protest is rare in Chile: we found evidence of party presence in only about 6 % of protest events between 2000 and 2012.
The situation is different for organizations with a more radical stance such as the All Lands Council or the Coordinadora Arauco–Malleco (CAM). They do not identify with Chile as a nation and aim at political autonomy. They heavily engage in disruptive and violent protest tactics. Clandestine or semi-clandestine as they are, they do not receive funds from polity members whatsoever—they find it contradictory to be supported by an institutional order they do not want to be part of. Also, many polity members from across the political spectrum are unwilling to support organizations which they believe commit terrorist acts.