By Pamela Lowden (auth.)
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Extra info for Moral Opposition to Authoritarian Rule in Chile, 1973–90
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43 Anything less than total support, or at least acquiescence, was unacceptable to Chile's new rulers. Another small incident at same time as the 'Reconciliation' document was published should also be mentioned. Cardinal Silva received a visit from an army colonel who warned him that he should take care for his personal safety because there were 'many madmen on the loose'. The colonel introduced himself as Manuel Contreras, head of the Directorate of National Intelligence, the DINA. NATIONAL SECURITY DOCTRINE, COUNTERINSURGENCY AND THE DINA: PINOCHET TAKES COMMAND During the coup and its immediate aftermath, the repression was carried out by diverse sections of the uniformed armed forces, without centralised control, thus tending to increase its arbitrariness.
31 Also collaborating closely with CONAR was the World Council of Churches. Its representative dispatched to Chile, the Presbyterian pastor Charles Harper, was fully aware that thousands of Chileans faced similar or worse dangers than the foreigners. His key contact in Chile was the head of the Lutheran Church, Bishop Helmut Frenz, who shared Harper's anxiety to extend ecumenical assistance to Chilean nationals. 32 So it was that on 6 October, at a meeting in the archbishopric's offices attended by representatives of the Catholic, Lutheran, Baptist, Methodist, Methodist Pentecostal and Greek Orthodox Churches, and the Jewish community, the Ecumenical Committee of Cooperation for Peace in Chile was created.
On the one hand they were Christians, from the same trunk as the Christian Democrats, people whom the clerics had known for years and whom they knew they could count on both in terms of professional ability and personal integrity. On the other hand they were also UP supporters, rendered unemployed by the coup and anxious to do what they could to help with The Committee of Cooperation for Peace 33 whatever was possible to mitigate its effects on their fellows. Indeed, although members of the Socialist and Communist parties (both Christians and non-Christians), some Christian Democrats and individuals without political affiliation, were to join or collaborate with the Committee, the majority of the staff would be of the Christian left and, particularly, the MAPU.