By Franc Lanko Marušič, Rok Žaucer
Even though within the early days of generative linguistics Slovenian was once hardly ever referred to as on within the improvement of theoretical types, the eye it will get has as a consequence grown, in order that through now it has contributed to generative linguistics a good proportion of theoretically vital facts. With thirteen chapters that each one construct on Slovenian facts, this booklet units a brand new milestone. the themes mentioned within the quantity variety from Slovenian clitics, that are known as directly to shed new gentle at the fascinating Person-Case Constraint and to supply a part of the facts for a brand new generalization pertaining to the presence of the sure article and Wackernagel clitics, to practical components akin to the longer term auxiliary and danger modals, the latter of that are mentioned additionally from the point of view of language swap. Even in the quite well-researched themes like wh-movement, new findings are awarded, either on the subject of the constitution of the left outer edge and to the syntax of relative clauses.
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2004. Ergativity and Word Order in Austronesian Languages. D. dissertation, Cornell University. Alpher, Barry J. 1991. Yir-Yoront Lexicon: Sketch and Dictionary of an Australian Language. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 1515/9783110872651 Austin, Peter K. 1995. Double case marking in Kanyara and Mantharta languages. ), 363–379. Oxford: OUP. Austin, Peter K. 2006. Jiwarli. In International Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, 2nd edn, Vol. ), 125–129. Oxford: Elsevier. pdf. 1016/B0-08-044854-2/05042-2 Baker, Mark.
48) a. A ga poznaš? Gà. acc ‘Do you know him? Ali mu ga daje? Mu gà. acc ‘Is he/she giving it to him? ’ (Dvořák 2007) (Bošković 2001: 160) Note that there is a stressed clitic in (48a–b). e. stress) during the derivation through a last-resort conversion of unfooted sequences which makes stress assignment possible. There is, however, an additional issue here, namely (44). Recall now that Slovenian is an NP language, which means that, being NPs, the clitics in (48) are not subject to (44). We then make a rather interesting prediction: Stranded clitic examples like (48) may be possible only in NP, never in DP languages, where, being DPs, clitics are subject to (44).
Zašto smo mu je predstavili juče? ’ c. Ona tvrdi da smo mu je mi predstavili juče. ’ (SC) As noted in Bošković (2012a), languages that are standardly assumed to have second position clitics include a number of Slavic languages (SC, Czech, Slovak, Slovenian, Hucul Ukrainian, and Sorbian), Latin, Ancient Greek, Pashto, T agalog, . I am simplifying here the actual state of affairs (these are not the only options). e. not all enclitics are second position clitics). I refer the reader to Bošković (2001) and references therein for relevant discussion (especially for the relevance of prosody in the proper statement of the second position clitic effect).