By Connie L. Lester
Up from the Mudsills of Hell analyzes agrarian activism in Tennessee from the 1870s to 1915 in the context of farmers’ lives, group associations, and familial and communal networks. finding the origins of the agrarian hobbies within the state’s overdue antebellum and post-Civil battle farm economic system, Connie Lester lines the advance of rural reform from the cooperative efforts of the Grange, the rural Wheel, and the Farmers’ Alliance throughout the insurgency of the People’s social gathering and the rising rural paperwork of the Cooperative Extension provider and the Tennessee division of Agriculture.Lester ties jointly a wealthy and infrequently contradictory historical past of cooperativism, prohibition, disfranchisement, exertions conflicts, and third-party politics to teach that Tennessee agrarianism used to be extra complicated and dangerous to the tested political and fiscal order than formerly well-known. As farmers reached throughout gender, racial, and political limitations to create a mass stream, they shifted the floor below the monoliths of southern existence. as soon as the Democratic occasion had destroyed the insurgency, farmers replied in either conventional and revolutionary methods. a few grew to become inward, concentrating on a localism that promoted--sometimes via violence--rigid adherence to tested social obstacles. Others, besides the fact that, equipped into the Farmers’ Union, whose club infiltrated the Tennessee division of Agriculture and the Cooperative Extension carrier. appearing via those bureaucracies, Tennessee agrarian leaders exerted a big impact over the improvement of agricultural laws for the 20 th century.Up from the Mudsills of Hell not just presents a big reassessment of agrarian reform and radicalism in Tennessee, but in addition hyperlinks this higher South kingdom into the wider sweep of southern and American farm activities rising within the overdue 19th century.
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Additional resources for Up from the Mudsills of Hell: The Farmers' Alliance, Populism, And Progressive Agriculture in Tennessee, 1870-1915
Example text
Familiarity with the general farm problems in their own counties and congressional districts shaped individual views of their economic future. Tennessee’s ninety-six counties were divided into ten congressional districts that remained stable over the course of the s and s (see chapter for a discussion on reapportionment in this period). 27 The scatter-shot placement of highly commercial agricultural counties meant that no one congressional district dominated the farm vote. District ten was home to the cotton counties with the strongest ties to antebellum plantation production.
In addition to farming, he acted as a cotton broker and furnishing merchant. He had acquired eight or ten farms in the Mississippi Valley when the owners proved incapable of paying their debts, but he denied that market forces influenced the loss. ” When the committee pressed Frank on the possibility of similarities between the economic problems of poor whites and blacks, he responded by labeling blacks “an ignorant people” who required constant supervision. ” Clearly the increasing numbers of whites who struggled with the consequences of tenancy experienced a loss of Surveying the Barnyards 33 social status in the eyes of more successful farmers and planters as they were blamed for their own losses and equated with less highly regarded black labor.
Banks in the midstate were concentrated in a narrow band of counties north and south of Nashville, as befitted the rising commercial and industrial influence of the state capital. West Tennessee, with its cotton market, supported the fewest number of banks. 56 Banks were by no means the only or even the principal sources of capital and credit for farm families. Crossroads stores extended credit to farmers and tenants who produced cash crops, which were sold through the merchant. The farmer agreed to purchase all, or part, of his grocery needs from the store that provided credit.