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6 This interpretation is borne out by Yepes' analysis of sectoral workforces. 7 He estimates that in 1916 22 466 braceros were working in sugar production; 9471 workers in the rice sector; and 20 514 in cotton production. In 1915, 21 480 were working in the mining sector; 26 Peru through 1911 evidence suggests that 20 per cent of mineworkers were children, and that 30 per cent were under 21 years old. Arguably the profile of 1911 mining employment suggests both the weakness of the enganche system of labour supply, and the continuing existence of labour supply inelasticities.
In the event, a united popular opposition, including the new centrist, modernising Acci6n Popular and Partido Demoerato Crisiano parties, precipitated elections in 1956, in which Prado, supported by APRA and representing a Coalici6n Nacional, won. Henceforward, APRA chose to accommodate itself with the party in power rather than take on a militant oppositional role, and space appeared for the Left and radical Apristas to develop alternative opposition programmes for the community in general and the union movement in particular.
The rise and fall of Bustamante: 1945-48 In 1945, the Frente Democratico Nacional came to power, with the Benavides-supported Bustamante y Rivero as President. Bustamante's government counted on the support of APRA, and presented itself as a continuation of the centrism and progressive traditions of the Benavides period. However, under Bustamante, APRA was allowed to return to legality in 1945, and there was a significant relaxation in the constraints on overt political action. One obvious aspect of this relaxation was the boost to unionisation, which developed apace across all sectors of employment.