By Brian Brivati
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Marsh and G. 173–88. 5 A. 21–37. 6 W. Brown, ‘Industrial Relations’, in M. Artis and D. ), Labour’s Economic Policies, 1974–79, Manchester University Press, 1991. 7 M. Wickham-Jones, Economic Strategy and the Labour Party: Politics and PolicyMaking 1970–83, Macmillan, 1996. 8 N. Tiratsoo and J. Tomlinson, Industrial Efficiency and State Intervention: Labour 1939–51, Routledge, 1994; J. Tomlinson, Democratic Socialism and Economic Policy: the Attlee Years, Cambridge University Press, 1997. 9 Labour’s 1964 manifesto is reprinted in F.
Future problems were also stored up in health and education. 5 Although Bevan notionally succeeded in creating a national hospital system, defeating critics who wanted the hospital service to be run by local authorities, he experienced a good deal of difficulty in developing an administratively coherent service largely because of the necessity of making concessions to the medical profession in order to secure their support for the political ideal of free medical care. As Rodney Lowe6 has pointed out, the new NHS was hardly a picture of administrative rationality, and this lack of coherence had knockon effects on spending.
9 Labour’s 1964 manifesto is reprinted in F. W. S. 43–60. 11–13 10 A. 35 11 S. Pollard, The Wasting of the British Economy, Croom Helm, 1984. 12 D. Corry and J. Michie, ‘EMU: the Left Debate’, Political Economy Research Centre, University of Sheffield, Policy Paper No. 4, 1997. 13 A. 17–18. 14 J. Tomlinson, ‘Inventing Decline: the Falling Behind of the British Economy in the Post-war Years’, Economic History Review, Vol. XLIX, No. 731–57. 15 D. Edgerton, Science, technology and the British industrial decline, Cambridge University Press, 1996.